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ISTANBUL PROTOCOL VI. PSYCHOLOGICAL EVIDENCE OF TORTURE AND ILL-TREATMENT

requests and their cognition is characterized by the capacities of preschool and older children:
prelogical, magical and egocentric thinking that younger children tend to remember less information,
might be confused with factual events. They construct provide briefer accounts of their experiences than
reality on their observable world, tend to think older children do and are more likely than older
in absolute terms and experience rapid changes children to respond erroneously to suggestive
of emotional states. However, language develops questions. Furthermore, the younger the children,
rapidly between the ages of 3 and 5 and children the more their experience and understanding
can talk about their concerns and feelings and give of the traumatic event will be influenced by the
truthful descriptions of events. They respond best immediate reactions and attitudes of caregivers
to short, concrete, probing questions designed following the event. 485 Nevertheless, it is important
to expand on their ideas and clarify them. to note that younger children’s reports are no
less accurate than those of older children. 486
572. Between the ages of 6 and 12, children can think
more planfully and perform different mental 575. A child’s reactions to torture depend on age,
tasks. However, thinking remains concrete, rigid developmental stage and cognitive skills. 487 For
and literal. They tend to think in terms of factual children under the age of 3 who have experienced
rather than logical relationships and cannot reflect or witnessed torture, the protective and reassuring
on possible outcomes. At the same time, they do role of their caregivers is crucial. 488 The reactions
understand cause and effect relationships, have social of very young children to traumatic experiences
consciousness and can comprehend inconsistencies typically involve hyperarousal, such as restlessness,
in social behaviour. Capacity to discuss abstract sleep disturbance, irritability, heightened startle
issues is limited and there is vulnerability to reactions and avoidance of people, places, physical
negative feedback and misleading questions. reminders, interpersonal situations or conversations
(such as a clinical interview) that arouse recollections
573. Adolescents are less concrete in their thinking and of the trauma. Children older than 3 often tend to
are capable of symbolic and rational thinking. They withdraw and refuse to speak directly about traumatic
place a high value on peer influence and may hold an experiences. The ability for verbal expression increases
attitude of invincibility and be more likely to engage during development. A marked increase occurs around
in risk-taking behaviour. But they are also more the concrete operational stage (8–9 years old), when
capable than younger children in recognizing the children develop the ability to provide a reliable
boundaries and ethical requirements of an evaluation, chronology of events. 489 These new skills are still
as well as the reason for an examination related to fragile and it is not usually until the beginning of the
experiences of torture or ill-treatment. Researchers formal operational stage (12 years old) that children
note that adolescents can accurately report symptoms, are consistently able to construct a coherent narrative.
events and experiences with a proper sense of time Adolescence is a robust developmental period when the
and setting. 483 The clinician should let the adolescent effects of torture can vary widely. Torture experiences
know that their opinions and inputs are valued. may cause profound personality changes in adolescents
Privacy can be of special concern to adolescents resulting in chronically dysregulated emotional
and confidentiality limitations should be reviewed functioning, and behavioural and relational problems.
carefully. It is advisable to begin with a focus on Alternatively, the effects of torture on adolescents
neutral issues and address sensitive issues later. 484 may be similar to those seen in younger children,
with regression and diminishment of functioning.
574. There are important differences between
autobiographical memory retrieval strategies and

483 Ibid. See also Zoe Given-Wilson, Jane Herlihy and Matthew Hodes, “Telling the story: a psychological review on assessing adolescents’ asylum claims”, Canadian
Psychology, vol. 57, No. 4 (2016), pp. 265–273.
484 Sayer Gudas and Sattler, “Forensic interviewing of children and adolescents”.
485 Saskia von Overbeck Ottino, “Familles victimes de violences collectives et en exil: quelle urgence, quel modèle de soins? Le point de vue d’une pédopsychiatre”, Revue
française de psychiatrie et de psychologie médicale, vol. 14 (1998), pp. 35–39.
486 Michael E. Lamb and others. “Structured forensic interview protocols improve the quality and informativeness of investigative interviews with children: a review of research
using the NICHD Investigative Interview Protocol”, Child Abuse & Neglect, vol. 31, No. 11–12 (2007), pp. 1201–1231.
487 Australian Child and Adolescent Trauma, Loss and Grief Network, “How children and young people experience and react to traumatic events” (2010), p. 4.
488 Michel Grappe, “La guerre en ex-Yougoslavie: un regard sur les enfants réfugiés”, in Psychiatrie humanitaire en ex-Yougoslavie et en Arménie: face au traumatisme, Marie
Rose Moro and Serge Lebovici, eds. (Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1995), pp. 89–106.
489 Jean Piaget, La naissance de l’intelligence chez l’enfant, 9th ed. (Neuchâtel, Delachaux et Niestlé, 1977).

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